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Seneca-Seneca-Morals-of-a-Happy-Life-Benefits-Anger-and-Clemency.txt
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The Project Gutenberg eBook, Seneca's Morals of a Happy Life, Benefits,
Anger and Clemency, by Lucius Annaeus Seneca, Translated by Sir Roger
L'Estrange
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have
to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook.
Title: Seneca's Morals of a Happy Life, Benefits, Anger and Clemency
Author: Lucius Annaeus Seneca
Release Date: November 28, 2017 [eBook #56075]
Language: English
Character set encoding: UTF-8
***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SENECA'S MORALS OF A HAPPY LIFE,
BENEFITS, ANGER AND CLEMENCY***
E-text prepared by Turgut Dincer, Les Galloway, and the Online Distributed
Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images generously made
available by Internet Archive (https://archive.org)
Note: Images of the original pages are available through
Internet Archive. See
https://archive.org/details/cu31924101956971
Transcriber's note:
Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).
SENECA’S MORALS OF A HAPPY LIFE,
BENEFITS, ANGER AND CLEMENCY.
Translated by
SIR ROGER L’ESTRANGE.
New Edition.
Chicago:
Belford, Clarke & Co.,
1882.
Belford . Clarke & Co.,
1881.
Printed and Bound by
Donohue & Henneberry.
Chicago, Ill.
TO THE READER.
It has been a long time my thought to turn SENECA into English;
but whether as a _translation_ or an _abstract_, was the question.
A _translation_, I perceive, it must not be, at last, for several
reasons. First, it is a thing already done to my hand, and of above
sixty years’ standing; though with as little _credit_, perhaps, to
the Author, as _satisfaction_ to the Reader. Secondly, There is a
great deal in him, that is wholly foreign to my business: as his
philosophical treatises of _Meteors_, _Earthquakes_, the Original
of _Rivers_, several frivolous disputes betwixt the Epicureans and
the Stoics, etc., to say nothing of his frequent repetitions of the
same thing again in other words, (wherein he very handsomely excuses
himself, by saying, “That he does but inculcate over and over the same
counsels to those that over and over commit the same faults.”)Thirdly,
His excellency consists rather in a rhapsody of divine and
extraordinary _hints_ and _notions_, than in any regulated method of
discourse; so that to take him as he lies, and so to go through with
him, were utterly inconsistent with the order and brevity which I
propound; my principal design, being only to digest, and commonplace
his _Morals_, in such sort, that any man, upon occasion, may know where
to find them. And I have kept myself so close to this proposition,
that I have reduced all his scattered Ethics to their _proper heads_,
without any additions of my own, more than of absolute necessity
for the tacking of them together. Some other man in my place would
perhaps make you twenty apologies for his want of skill and address,
in governing this affair; but these are formal and pedantic fooleries,
as if any man that first takes himself for a coxcomb in his own heart,
would afterwards make himself one in print too. This _Abstract_, such
as it is, you are extremely welcome to; and I am sorry it is no better,
both for your sakes and my own, for if it were written up to the spirit
of the original, it would be one of the most valuable presents that
ever any private man bestowed upon the public; and this, too, even in
the judgment of both parties, as well Christian as Heathen, of which in
its due place.
Next to my choice of the _Author_ and of the _subject_, together with
the manner of handling it, I have likewise had some regard, in this
publication, to the _timing_ of it, and to the preference of this topic
of _Benefits_ above all others, for the groundwork of my _first essay_.
We are fallen into an age of _vain philosophy_ (as the holy apostle
calls it) and so desperately overrun with Drolls and Sceptics, that
there is hardly any thing so certain or so sacred, that is not exposed
to question and contempt, insomuch, that betwixt the hypocrite and the
Atheist, the very foundations of religion and good manners are shaken,
and the two tables of the _Decalogue_ dashed to pieces the one against
the other; the laws of government are subjected to the fancies of the
vulgar; public authority to the private passions and opinions of the
people; and the supernatural motions of grace confounded with the
common dictates of nature. In this state of corruption, who so fit as a
good honest Christian Pagan for a moderator among Pagan Christians?
To pass now from the general scope of the whole work to the particular
argument of the first part of it, I pitched upon the theme of
_Benefits_, _Gratitude_, and _Ingratitude_, to begin withal, as an
earnest of the rest, and a lecture expressly calculated for the
unthankfulness of these times; the foulest undoubtedly, and the most
execrable of all others, since the very apostasy of the angels:
nay, if I durst but suppose a possibility of mercy for those damned
spirits, and that they might ever be taken into favor again, my
charity would hope even better for them than we have found from some
of our revolters, and that they would so behave themselves as not to
incur a second forfeiture. And to carry the resemblance yet one point
farther, they do both of them agree in an implacable malice against
those of their fellows that keep their stations. But, alas! what
could _Ingratitude_ do without _Hypocrisy_, the inseparable companion
of it, and, in effect, the bolder and blacker devil of the two? for
Lucifer himself never had the face to lift up his eyes to heaven, and
talk to the ALMIGHTY at the familiar rate of our pretended patriots
and zealots, and at the same time to make him party to a cheat. It is
not for nothing that the Holy Ghost has denounced so many woes, and
redoubled so many cautions against _hypocrites_; plainly intimating
at once how dangerous a snare they are to mankind, and no less odious
to God himself; which is sufficiently denoted in the force of that
dreadful expression, _And your portion shall be with hypocrites_. You
will find in the holy scriptures (as I have formerly observed) that
God has given the grace of repentance to _persecutors_, _idolaters_,
_murderers_, _adulterers_, etc., but I am mistaken if the whole Bible
affords you any one instance of a _converted hypocrite_.
To descend now from truth itself to our own experience have we not
seen, even in our days, a most pious (and almost faultless) Prince
brought to the scaffold by his own subjects? The most glorious
constitution upon the face of the earth, both ecclesiastical and
civil, torn to pieces and dissolved? The happiest people under the sun
enslaved? Our temples sacrilegiously profaned, and a license given
to all sorts of heresy and outrage? And by whom but by a race of
_hypocrites?_ who had nothing in their mouths all this while but _the
purity of the gospel_, _the honor of the king_, and _the liberty of
the people_, assisted underhand with _defamatory papers_, which were
levelled at the _king_ himself through the sides of his most faithful
_ministers_. This PROJECT succeeded so well against one government,
that it is now again set afoot against another; and by some of the
very actors too in that TRAGEDY, and after a most gracious pardon
also, when Providence had laid their necks and their fortunes at his
majesty’s feet. It is a wonderful thing that _libels_ and _libellers_,
the most _infamous_ of _practices_ and of _men_; the most _unmanly
sneaking methods_ and _instruments_ of _mischief_; the very bane
of _human society_, and the _plague_ of all _governments_; it is a
wonderful thing (I say) that these engines and engineers should ever
find credit enough in the world to engage a party; but it would be
still more wonderful if the _same trick_ should pass twice upon the
_same people_, in the _same age_, and from the _same_ IMPOSTORS. This
contemplation has carried me a little out of my way, but it has at
length brought me to my text again, for there is in the bottom of it
the highest opposition imaginable of _ingratitude_ and _obligation_.
The reader will, in some measure, be able to judge by this taste what
he is farther to expect; that is to say, as to the cast of my design,
and the simplicity of the style and dress; for that will still be the
same, only accompanied with variety of matter. Whether it pleases the
world or no, the care is taken; and yet I could wish that it might be
as delightful to others upon the perusal, as it has been to me in the
speculation. Next to the gospel itself, I do look upon it as the most
sovereign remedy against the miseries of human nature: and I have ever
found it so, in all the injuries and distresses of an unfortunate life.
You may read more of him, if you please, in the _Appendix_, which I
have here subjoined to this Preface, concerning the authority of his
_writings_, and the circumstances of his _life_; as I have extracted
them out of Lipsius.
OF SENECA’S WRITINGS.
It appears that our author had among the ancients three professed
enemies. In the first place Caligula, who called his writings, _sand
without lime_; alluding to the starts of his fancy, and the incoherence
of his sentences. But Seneca was never the worse for the censure of a
person that propounded even the suppressing of Homer himself; and of
casting Virgil and Livy out of all _public libraries_. The next was
Fabius, who taxes him for being too bold with the eloquence of former
times, and failing in that point himself; and likewise for being too
quaint and finical in his expressions; which Tacitus imputes, in
part to the freedom of his own particular inclination, and partly to
the humor of the times. He is also charged by Fabius as no profound
philosopher; but with all this, he allows him to be a man very studious
and learned, of great wit and invention, and well read in all sorts of
literature; a severe reprover of vice; most divinely sententious; and
well worth the reading, if it were only for his morals; adding, that if
his judgment had been answerable to his wit, it had been much the more
for his reputation; but he wrote whatever came next; so that I would
advise the reader (says he) to distinguish where he _himself_ did not,
for there are many things in him, not only to be approved, but admired;
and it was great pity that he that could do what he would, should not
always make the best choice. His third adversary is Agellius, who
falls upon him for his style, and a kind of tinkling in his sentences,
but yet commends him for his piety and good counsels. On the other
side, Columela calls him _a man of excellent wit and learning_; Pliny,
_the prince of erudition;_ Tacitus gives him the character of _a wise
man, and a fit tutor for a prince_; Dio reports him to have been _the
greatest man of his age_.
Of those pieces of his that are extant, we shall not need to give
any particular account: and of those that are lost, we cannot, any
farther than by lights to them from other authors, as we find them
cited much to his honor; and we may reasonably compute them to be
the greater part of his works. That he wrote several _poems_ in his
banishment, may be gathered partly from himself, but more expressly
out of Tacitus, who says, “that he was reproached with his applying
himself to poetry, after he saw that Nero took pleasure in it, out
of a design to curry favor.” St. Jerome refers to a discourse of his
concerning matrimony. Lactantius takes notice of his history, and his
books of Moralities: St. Augustine quotes some passages of his out of
a book of Superstition; some references we meet with to his books of
Exhortations: Fabius makes mention of his Dialogues: and he himself
speaks of a treatise of his own concerning Earthquakes, which he wrote
in his youth, but the opinion of an epistolary correspondence that he
had with St. Paul, does not seem to have much color for it.
Some few fragments, however, of those books of his that are wanting,
are yet preserved in the writings of other eminent authors, sufficient
to show the world how great a treasure they have lost by the excellency
of that little that is left.
Seneca, says Lactantius, that was the sharpest of all the Stoics,
how great a veneration has he for the Almighty! as for instance,
discoursing of a violent death; “Do you not understand?” says he, “the
majesty and the authority of your Judge; he is the supreme Governor of
heaven and earth, and the God of all your gods; and it is upon him that
all those powers depend which we worship for deities.” Moreover, in his
Exhortations, “This God,” says he, “when he laid the foundations of the
universe, and entered upon the greatest and the best work in nature, in
the ordering of the government of the world, though he was himself All
in all, yet he substituted other subordinate ministers, as the servants
of his commands.” And how many other things does this Heathen speak of
God like one of us!
Which the acute Seneca, says Lactantius again, saw in his Exhortations.
“We,” says he, “have our dependence elsewhere, and should look up to
that power, to which we are indebted for all that we can pretend to
that is good.”
And again, Seneca says very well in his Morals, “They worship the
images of the God,” says he, “kneel to them, and adore them, they are
hardly ever from them, either plying them with offerings or sacrifices,
and yet, after all this reverence to the image, they have no regard at
all to the workman that made it.”
Lactantius again. “An invective,” says Seneca in his Exhortations, “is
the masterpiece of most of our philosophers; and if they fall upon
the subject of _avarice_, _lust_, _ambition_, they lash out into such
excess of bitterness, as if railing were a mark of their profession.
They make me think of gallipots in an apothecary’s shop, that have
remedies without and poison within.”
Lactantius still. “He that would know all things, let him read Seneca;
the most lively describer of public vices and manners, and the smartest
reprehender of them.”
And again; as Seneca has it in the books of Moral Philosophy, “He is
the brave man, whose splendor and authority is the least part of his
greatness, that can look death in the face without trouble or surprise;
who, if his body were to be broken upon the wheel, or melted lead to be
poured down his throat, would be less concerned for the pain itself,
than for the dignity of bearing it.”
Let no man, says Lactantius, think himself the safer in his wickedness
for want of a witness; for God is omniscient, and to him nothing can
be a secret. It is an admirable sentence that Seneca concludes his
Exhortations withal: “God,” says he, “is a great, (I know not what),
an incomprehensible Power; it is to him that we live, and to him that
we must approve ourselves. What does it avail us that our consciences
are hidden from men, when our souls lie open to God?” What could a
Christian have spoken more to the purpose in this case than this divine
Pagan? And in the beginning of the same work, says Seneca, “What is
it that we do? to what end is it to stand contriving, and to hide
ourselves? We are under a guard, and there is no escaping from our
keeper. One man may be parted from another by travel, death, sickness;
but there is no dividing us from ourselves. It is to no purpose to
creep into a corner where nobody shall see us. Ridiculous madness!
Make it the case, that no mortal eye could find us out, he that has a
conscience gives evidence against himself.”
It is truly and excellently spoken of Seneca, says Lactantius, once
again; “Consider,” says he “the majesty, the goodness, and the
venerable mercies of the Almighty; a friend that is always at hand.
What delight can it be to him the slaughter of innocent creatures or
the worship of bloody sacrifices? Let us purge our minds, and lead
virtuous and honest lives. His pleasure lies not in the magnificence of
temples made with stone, but in the pity and devotion of consecrated
hearts.”
In the book that Seneca wrote against Superstitions, treating of
images, says St. Austin, he writes thus: “They represent the holy, the
immortal, and the inviolable gods in the basest matter, and without
life or motion; in the forms of men, beasts, fishes, some of mixed
bodies, and those figures they call deities, which, if they were but
animated, would affright a man, and pass for monsters.” And then, a
little farther, treating of Natural Theology, after citing the opinions
of philosophers, he supposes an objection against himself: “Somebody
will perhaps ask me, would you have me then to believe the heavens and
the earth to be gods, and some of them above the moon, and some below
it? Shall I ever be brought to the opinion of Plato, or of Strabo the
Peripatetic? the one of which would have God to be without a body,
and the other without a mind.” To which he replies, “And do you give
more credit then to the dreams of T. Tatius, Romulus, Hostilius, who
caused, among other deities, even Fear and Paleness to be worshipped?
the vilest of human affections; the one being the motion of an
affrighted mind, and the other not so much the disease as the color
of a disordered body. Are these the deities that you will rather put
your faith in, and place in the heavens?” And speaking afterward of
their abominable customs, with what liberty does he write! “One,” says
he, “out of zeal, makes himself an eunuch, another lances his arms; if
this be the way to _please_ their gods, what should a man do if he had
a mind to _anger_ them? or, if this be the way to please them, they do
certainly deserve not to be worshipped at all. What a frenzy is this to
imagine that the gods can be delighted with such cruelties, as even the
worst of men would make a conscience to inflict! The most barbarous and
notorious of tyrants, some of them have perhaps done it themselves, or
ordered the tearing of men to pieces by others; but they never went so
far as to command any man to torment himself. We have heard of those
that have suffered castration to gratify the lust of their imperious
masters, but never any man that was forced to act it upon himself. They
murder themselves in their very temples, and their prayers are offered
up in blood. Whosoever shall but observe what they do, and what they
suffer, will find it so misbecoming an honest man, so unworthy of a
freeman, and so inconsistent with the action of a man in his wits, that
he must conclude them all to be mad, if it were not that there are so
many of them; for only their number is their justification and their
protection.”
When he comes to reflect, says St. Augustine, upon those passages which
he himself had seen in the Capitol, he censures them with liberty and
resolution; and no man will believe that such things would be done
unless in mockery or frenzy. What lamentation is there in the Egyptian
sacrifices for the loss of Osiris? and then what joy for the finding
of him again? Which he makes himself sport with; for in truth it is
all a fiction; and yet those people that neither lost any thing nor
found any thing, must express their sorrows and their rejoicings to
the highest degree. “But there is only a certain time,” says he, “for
this freak, and once in a year people may be allowed to be mad. I came
into the Capitol,” says Seneca, “where the several deities had their
several servants and attendants, their lictors, their dressers, and
all in posture and action, as if they were executing their offices;
some to hold the glass, others to comb out Juno’s and Minerva’s hair;
one to tell Jupiter what o’clock it is; some lasses there are that sit
gazing upon the image, and fancy Jupiter has a kindness for them. All
these things,” says Seneca, a while after, “a wise man will observe for
the law’s sake more than for the gods; and all this rabble of deities,
which the superstition of many ages has gathered together, we are in
such manner to adore, as to consider the worship to be rather matter
of custom than of conscience.” Whereupon St. Augustine observes, that
this illustrious senator worshipped what he reproved, acted what he
disliked, and adored what he condemned.
SENECA’S LIFE AND DEATH.
It has been an ancient custom to record the actions and the writings
of eminent men, with all their circumstances, and it is but a right
that we owe to the memory of our famous author. Seneca was by birth a
Spaniard of Cordova, (a Roman colony of great fame and antiquity.) He
was of the family of Annæus, of the order of knights; and the father,
Lucius Annæus Seneca, was distinguished from the son, by the name
of _the Orator_. His mother’s name was Helvia, a woman of excellent
qualities. His father came to Rome in the time of Augustus, and his
wife and children soon followed him, our Seneca yet being in his
infancy. There were three brothers of them, and never a sister. Marcus
Annæus Novatus, Lucius Annæus Seneca, and Lucius Annæus Mela; the first
of these changed his name for Junius Gallio, who adopted him; to him it
was that he dedicated his treatise of ANGER, whom he calls Novatus too;
and he also dedicated his discourse of a _Happy Life_ to his brother
Gallio. The youngest brother (Annæus Mela) was Lucan’s father. Seneca
was about twenty years of age in the _fifth year_ of Tiberius, when the
Jews were expelled from Rome. His father trained him up to _rhetoric,_
but his genius led him rather to _philosophy;_ and he applied his wit
to _morality_ and _virtue_. He was a great hearer of the celebrated
men of those times; as Attalus, Sotion, Papirius, Fabianus, (of whom
he makes often mention,) and he was much an admirer also of Demetrius
the Cynic, whose conversation he had afterwards in the Court, and both
at home also and abroad, for they often travelled together. His father
was not at all pleased with his humor of _philosophy_, but forced him
upon the _law_, and for a while he practiced _pleading_. After which
he would needs put him upon _public employment:_ and he came first to
be _quæstor_, then _prætor,_ and some will have it that he was chosen
_consul_; but this is doubtful.
Seneca finding that he had ill offices done him at court, and that
Nero’s favor began to cool, he went directly and resolutely to Nero,
with an offer to refund all that he had gotten, which Nero would not
receive; but however, from that time he changed his course of life,
received few visits, shunned company, went little abroad; still
pretending to be kept at home, either by indisposition or by his
study. Being Nero’s tutor and governor, all things were well so long
as Nero followed his counsel. His two chief favorites were Burrhus and
Seneca, who were both of them excellent in their ways: Burrhus, in
his care of _military_ affairs, and severity of _discipline_; Seneca
for his _precepts_ and _good advice_ in the matter of _eloquence,_
and the _gentleness_ of an _honest mind_; assisting one another, in
that slippery age of the prince (says Tacitus) to invite him, by the
allowance of lawful pleasures, to the love of virtue. Seneca had two
wives; the name of the first is not mentioned; his second was Paulina,
whom he often speaks of with great passion. By the former he had his
son Marcus.
In the first year of Claudius he was banished into Corsica, when Julia,
the daughter of Germanicus, was accused by Messalina of adultery and
banished too, Seneca being charged as one of the adulterers. After a
matter of eight years or upwards in exile, he was called back, and as
much in favor again as ever. His estate was partly patrimonial, but the
greatest part of it was the bounty of his prince. His gardens, villas,
lands, possessions, and incredible sums of money, are agreed upon at
all hands; which drew an envy upon him. Dio reports him to have had
250,000_l._ sterling at interest in Britanny alone, which he called in
all at a sum. The Court itself could not bring him to flattery; and
for his piety, submission, and virtue, the practice of his whole life
witnesses for him. “So soon,” says he, “as the candle is taken away,
my wife, that knows my custom, lies still, without a word speaking,
and then do I recollect all that I have said or done that day, and
take myself to shrift. And why should I conceal or reserve anything,
or make any scruple of inquiring into my errors, when I can say to
myself, Do so no more, and for this once I will forgive thee?” And
again, what can be more pious and self-denying than this passage, in
one of his epistles? “Believe me now, when I tell you the very bottom
of my soul: in all the difficulties and crosses of my life, this is my
consideration—since it is God’s will, I do not only obey, but assent to
it; nor do I comply out of necessity, but inclination.”
“Here follows now,” says Tacitus, “the death of Seneca, to Nero’s great
satisfaction; not so much for any pregnant proof against him that he
was of Piso’s conspiracy; but Nero was resolved to do that by the sword
which he could not effect by poison. For it is reported, that Nero
had corrupted Cleonicus (a freeman of Seneca’s) to give his master
poison, which did not succeed. Whether that the servant had discovered
it to his master, or that Seneca, by his own caution and jealousy, had
avoided it; for he lived only upon a simple diet, as the fruits of the
earth, and his drink was most commonly river water.
“Natalis, it seems, was sent upon a visit to him (being indisposed)
with a complaint that he would not let Piso come at him; and advising
him to the continuance of their friendship and acquaintance as
formerly. To whom Seneca made answer, that frequent meetings and
conferences betwixt them could do neither of them any good; but that
he had a great interest in Piso’s welfare. Hereupon Granius Silvanus
(a captain of the guard) was sent to examine Seneca upon the discourse
that passed betwixt him and Natalis, and to return his answer. Seneca,
either by chance or upon purpose, came that day from Campania, to
a villa of his own, within four miles of the city; and thither the
officer went the next evening, and beset the place. He found Seneca
at supper with his wife Paulina, and two of his friends; and gave him
immediately an account of his commission. Seneca told him, that it was
true that Natalis had been with him in Piso’s name, with a complaint
_that Piso could not be admitted to see him_; and that he excused
himself by reason of his want of health, and his desires to be quiet
and private; and that he had no reason to prefer another man’s welfare
before his own. Cæsar himself, he said, knew very well that he was not
a man of compliment, having received more proofs of his freedom than
of his flattery. This answer of Seneca’s was delivered to Cæsar in the
presence of Poppæa, and Tigellinus, the intimate confidants of this
barbarous prince: and Nero asked him whether he could gather anything
from Seneca as if he intended to make himself away? The tribune’s
answer was, that he did not find him one jot moved with the message:
but that he went on roundly with his tale, and never so much as changed
countenance for the matter. Go back to him then, says Nero, and tell
him, _that he is condemned to die_. Fabius Rusticus delivers it, that
the tribune did not return the same way he came, but went aside to
Fenius (a captain of that name) and told him Cæsar’s orders, asking his
advice whether he should obey them or not; who bade him by all means
to do as he was ordered. Which want of resolution was fatal to them
all; for Silvanus also, that was one of the conspirators, assisted now
to serve and to increase those crimes, which he had before complotted
to revenge. And yet he did not think fit to appear himself in the
business, but sent a centurion to Seneca to tell him his doom.
“Seneca, without any surprise or disorder, calls for his will; which
being refused him by the officer, he turned to his friends, and told
them that since he was not permitted to requite them as they deserved,
he was yet at liberty to bequeath them the thing of all others that
he esteemed the most, that is, the image of his life; which should
give them the reputation both of _constancy_ and _friendship_, if they
would but imitate it; exhorting them to a firmness of mind, sometimes
by good counsel, otherwhile by reprehension, as the occasion required.
Where, says he, is all your philosophy now? all your _premeditated
resolutions_ against the violences of Fortune? Is there any man so
ignorant of Nero’s cruelty, as to expect, after the murder of his
mother and his brother, that he should ever spare the life of his
governor and tutor? After some general expressions to this purpose, he
took his wife in his arms, and having somewhat fortified her against
the present calamity, he besought and conjured her to moderate her
sorrows, and betake herself to the contemplations and comforts of a
virtuous life; which would be a fair and ample consolation to her for
the loss of her husband. Paulina, on the other side, tells him her
determination to bear him company, and wills the executioner to do
his office. Well, says Seneca, if after the sweetness of life, as I
have represented it to thee, thou hadst rather entertain an honorable
death, I shall not envy thy example; consulting, at the same time, the
fame of the person he loved, and his own tenderness, for fear of the
injuries that might attend her when he was gone. Our resolution, says
he, in this generous act, may be equal, but thine will be the greater
reputation. After this the veins of both their arms were opened at the
same time. Seneca did not bleed so freely, his spirits being wasted
with age and a thin diet; so that he was forced to cut the veins of his
thighs and elsewhere, to hasten his dispatch. When he was far spent,
and almost sinking under his torments, he desired his wife to remove
into another chamber, lest the agonies of the one might work upon the
courage of the other. His eloquence continued to the last, as appears
by the excellent things he delivered at his death; which being taken
in writing from his own mouth, and published in his own words, I shall
not presume to deliver them in any other. Nero, in the meantime, who
had no particular spite to Paulina, gave orders to prevent her death,
for fear his cruelty should grow more and more insupportable and
odious. Whereupon the soldiers gave all freedom and encouragement to
her servants to bind up her wounds, and stop the blood, which they did
accordingly; but whether she was sensible of it or not is a question.
For among the common people, who are apt to judge the worst, there
were some of opinion, that as long as she despaired of Nero’s mercy,
she seemed to court the glory of dying with her husband for company;
but that upon the likelihood of better quarter she was prevailed upon
to outlive him; and so for some years she did survive him, with all
piety and respect to his memory; but so miserably pale and wan, that
everybody might read the loss of her blood and spirits in her very
countenance.
“Seneca finding his death slow and lingering, desires Statius Annæus
(his old friend and physician) to give him a dose of poison, which he
had provided beforehand, being the same preparation which was appointed
for capital offenders in Athens. This was brought him, and he drank
it up, but to little purpose; for his body was already chilled, and
bound up against the force of it. He went at last into a hot bath, and
sprinkling some of his servants that were next him, this, says he,
is an oblation to Jupiter _the deliverer_. The fume of the bath soon
dispatched him, and his body was burnt, without any funeral solemnity,
as he had directed in his testament: though this will of his was made
in the height of his prosperity and power. There was a rumor that
Subrius Flavius, in a private consultation with the centurions, had
taken up this following resolution, (and that Seneca himself was no
stranger to it) that is to say, that after Nero should have been slain
by the help of Piso, Piso himself should have been killed too; and the
empire delivered up to Seneca, as one that well deserved it, for his
integrity and virtue.”
SENECA OF BENEFITS.
CHAPTER I.
OF BENEFITS IN GENERAL.
It is, perhaps, one of the most pernicious errors of a rash and
inconsiderate life, the common ignorance of the world in the matter of
exchanging _benefits_. And this arises from a mistake, partly in the
person that we would oblige, and partly in the thing itself. To begin
with the latter: “A benefit is a good office, done with intention and
judgment;” that is to say, with a due regard to all the circumstances
of _what_, _how_, _why_, _when_, _where_, _to whom_, _how much_, and
the like; or otherwise: “It is a voluntary and benevolent action that
delights the giver in the comfort it brings to the receiver.” It will
be hard to draw this subject, either into method or compass: the one,
because of the infinite variety and complication of cases; the other,
by reason of the large extent of it: for the whole business (almost)
of mankind in society falls under this head; the duties of kings
and subjects, husbands and wives, parents and children, masters and
servants, natives and strangers, high and low, rich and poor, strong
and weak, friends and enemies. The very meditation of it breeds good
blood and generous thoughts; and instructs us in honor, humanity,
friendship, piety, gratitude, prudence, and justice. In short, the art
and skill of conferring benefits is, of all human duties, the most
absolutely necessary to the well-being, both of reasonable nature, and
of every individual; as the very cement of all communities, and the
blessing of particulars. He that does good to another man does good
also to himself; not only in the consequence, but in the very act of
doing it; for the conscience of well-doing is an ample reward.
Of benefits in general, there are several sorts; as _necessary_,
_profitable_, and _delightful_. Some things there are, without which
we _cannot_ live; others without which we _ought not_ to live; and
some, again, without which we _will not_ live. In the first rank are
those which deliver us from capital dangers, or apprehensions of
death: and the favor is rated according to the hazard; for the greater
the extremity, the greater seems the obligation. The next is a case
wherein we may indeed live, but we had better die; as in the question
of liberty, modesty, and a good conscience. In the third place, follow
those things which custom, use, affinity, and acquaintance, have made
dear to us; as husbands, wives, children, friends, etc., which an
honest man will preserve at his utmost peril. Of things profitable
there is a large field, as money, honor, etc., to which might be
added, matters of superfluity and pleasure. But we shall open a way
to the circumstances of a benefit by some previous and more general
deliberations upon the thing itself.
CHAPTER II.
SEVERAL SORTS OF BENEFITS.
We shall divide _benefits_ into _absolute_ and _vulgar_; the one
appertaining to good life, the other is only matter of commerce. The
former are the more excellent, because they can never be made void;
whereas all material benefits are tossed back and forward, and change
their master. There are some offices that look like benefits, but are
only desirable conveniences, as wealth, etc., and these a wicked man
may receive from a good, or a good man from an evil. Others, again,
that bear the face of injuries, which are only benefits ill taken; as
cutting, lancing, burning, under the hand of a surgeon. The greatest
benefits of all are those of good education, which we receive from our
parents, either in the state of ignorance or perverseness; as, their
care and tenderness in our infancy; their discipline in our childhood,
to keep us to our duties by fear; and, if fair means will not do,
their proceeding afterwards to severity and punishment, without which
we should never have come to good. There are matters of great value,
many times, that are but of small price; as instructions from a tutor,
medicine from a physician, etc. And there are small matters again,
which are of great consideration to us: the gift is small, and the
consequence great; as a cup of cold water in a time of need may save a
man’s life. Some things are of great moment to the giver, others to the
receiver: one man gives me a house; another snatches me out when it is
falling upon my head; one gives me an estate; another takes me out of
the fire, or casts me out a rope when I am sinking. Some good offices
we do to friends, others to strangers; but those are the noblest that
we do without pre-desert. There is an obligation of bounty, and an
obligation of charity; this in case of necessity, and that in point of
convenience. Some benefits are common, others are personal; as if a
prince (out of pure grace) grant a privilege to a city, the obligation
lies upon the community, and only upon every individual as a part of
the whole; but if it be done particularly for my sake, then am I singly
the debtor for it. The cherishing of strangers is one of the duties
of hospitality, and exercises itself in the relief and protection of
the distressed. There are benefits of good counsel, reputation, life,
fortune, liberty, health, nay, and of superfluity and pleasure. One man
obliges me out of his pocket; another gives me matter of ornament and
curiosity; a third, consolation. To say nothing of negative benefits;
for there are that reckon it an obligation if they do a body no hurt;
and place it to account, as if they saved a man, when they do not undo
him. To shut up all in one word; as benevolence is the most sociable of
all virtues, so it is of the largest extent; for there is not any man,
either so great or so little, but he is yet capable of giving and of
receiving benefits.
CHAPTER III.
A SON MAY OBLIGE HIS FATHER, AND A SERVANT HIS MASTER.
The question is (in the first place) whether it may not be possible
for a father to owe more to a son, in other respects, than the son
owes to his father for his being? That many sons are both greater and
better than their fathers, there is no question; as there are many
other things that derive their beings from others, which yet are far
greater than their original. Is not the tree larger than the seed? the
river than the fountain? The foundation of all things lies hid, and
the superstructure obscures it. If I owe all to my father, because he
gives me life, I may owe as much to a physician that saved his life;
for if my father had not been cured, I had never been begotten: or, if
I stand indebted for all that I am to my beginning, my acknowledgment
must run back to the very original of all human beings. My father gave
me the benefit of life: which he had never done, if his father had not
first given it to him. He gave me life, not knowing to whom; and when
I was in a condition neither to feel death nor to fear it. That is the
great benefit, to give life to one that knows how to use it, and that
is capable of the apprehension of death. It is true, that without a
father I could never have had a being; and so, without a nurse, that
being had never been improved: but I do not therefore owe my virtue
either to my nativity or to her that gave me suck. The generation of me
was the last part of the benefit: for to live is common with brutes;
but to live well is the main business; and that virtue is all my own,
saving what I drew from my education. It does not follow that the
_first_ benefit must be the _greatest_, because without the first the
greatest could never have been. The father gives life to the son but
once; but if the son save the father’s life often, though he do but his
duty, it is yet a greater benefit. And again, the benefit that a man
receives is the greater, the more he needs it; but the living has more
need of life than he that is not yet born; so that the father receives
a greater benefit in the continuance of his life than the son in the
beginning of it. What if a son deliver his father from the rack; or,
which is more, lay himself down in his place? The giving of him a being
was but the office of a father; a simple act, a benefit given at a
venture: beside that, he had a participant in it, and a regard to his
family. He gave only a single life, and he received a happy one. My
mother brought me into the world naked, exposed, and void of reason;
but my reputation and my fortune are advanced by my virtue. Scipio (as
yet in his minority) rescued his father in a battle with Hannibal, and
afterward from the practices and persecution of a powerful faction;
covering him with consulary honors, and the spoils of public enemies.
He made himself as eminent for his moderation as for his piety and
military knowledge: he was the defender and the establisher of his
country: he left the empire without a competitor, and made himself as
well the ornament of Rome as the security of it: and did not Scipio,
in all this, more than requite his father barely for begetting of him?
Whether did Anchises more for Æneas, in dandling the child in his arms;
or Æneas for his father, when he carried him upon his back through
the flames of Troy, and made his name famous to future ages among the
founders of the Roman Empire? T. Manlius was the son of a sour and
imperious father, who banished him his house as a blockhead, and a
scandal to the family. This Manlius, hearing that his father’s life was
in question, and a day set for his trial, went to the tribune that was
concerned in his cause, and discoursed with him about it: the tribune
told him the appointed time, and withal (as an obligation upon the
young man) that his cruelty to his son would be part of his accusation.
Manlius, upon this, takes the tribune aside, and presenting a poniard
to his breast, “Swear,” says he, “that you will let this cause fall,
or you shall have this dagger in the heart of you; and now it is at
your choice which way you will deliver my father.” The tribune swore
and kept his word, and made a fair report of the whole matter to the
council. He that makes himself famous by his eloquence, justice, or
arms, illustrates his extraction, let it be never so mean; and gives
inestimable reputation to his parents. We should never have heard of
Sophroniscus, but for his son Socrates; nor for Aristo and Gryllus, if
it had not been for Xenophon and Plato.
This is not to discountenance the veneration we owe to parents; nor
to make children the worse, but the better; and to stir up generous
emulations: for, in contests of good offices, both parties are happy;
as well the vanquished as those that overcome. It is the only honorable
dispute that can arise betwixt a father and son, which of the two
shall have the better of the other in the point of benefits.
In the question betwixt a master and a servant, we must distinguish
betwixt benefits, duties, and actions ministerial. By _benefits_, we
understand those good offices that we receive from strangers, which
are voluntary, and may be forborne without blame. _Duties_ are the
parts of a son and wife, and incumbent upon kindred and relations.
_Offices ministerial_ belong to the part of a servant. Now, since it
is the _mind_, and not the _condition_ of a person, that prints the
value upon the benefit, a servant may oblige his master, and so may a
subject his sovereign, or a common soldier his general, by doing more
than he is expressly bound to do. Some things there are, which the law
neither commands nor forbids; and here the servant is free. It would
be very hard for a servant to be chastised for doing less than his
duty, and not thanked for it when he does more. His body, it is true,
is his master’s, but his mind is his own: and there are many commands
which a servant ought no more to obey than a master to impose. There is
no man so great, but he may both need the help and service, and stand
in fear of the power and unkindness, even of the meanest of mortals.
One servant kills his master; another saves him, nay, preserves his
master’s life, perhaps, with the loss of his own: he exposes himself to
torment and death; he stands firm against all threats and batteries:
which is not only a benefit in a servant, but much the greater for his
being so.
When Domitius was besieged in Corfinium, and the place brought to great
extremity, he pressed his servant so earnestly to poison him, that at
last he was prevailed upon to give him a potion; which, it seems, was
an innocent opiate, and Domitius outlived it: Cæsar took the town, and
gave Domitius his life, but it was his servant that gave it him first.
There was another town besieged, and when it was upon the last pinch,
two servants made their escape, and went over to the enemy: upon the
Romans entering the town, and in the heat of the soldiers’ fury, these
two fellows ran directly home, took their mistress out of her house,
and drove her before them, telling every body how barbarously she had
used them formerly, and that they would now have their revenge; when
they had her without the gates, they kept her close till the danger was
over; by which means they gave their mistress her life, and she gave
them their freedom. This was not the action of a servile mind, to do so
glorious a thing, under an appearance of so great a villainy; for if
they had not passed for deserters and parricides, they could not have
gained their end.
With one instance more (and that a very brave one) I shall conclude
this chapter.
In the civil wars of Rome, a party coming to search for a person of
quality that was proscribed, a servant put on his master’s clothes,
and delivered himself up to the soldiers as the master of the house;
he was taken into custody, and put to death, without discovering the
mistake. What could be more glorious, than for a servant to die for his
master, in that age, when there were not many servants that would not
betray their masters? So generous a tenderness in a public cruelty;
so invincible a faith in a general corruption; what could be more
glorious, I say, than so exalted a virtue, as rather to choose death
for the reward of his fidelity, than the greatest advantages he might
otherwise have had for the violation of it?
CHAPTER IV.
IT IS THE INTENTION, NOT THE MATTER, THAT MAKES THE BENEFIT.
The _good-will_ of the benefactor is the fountain of all benefits;
nay it is the benefit itself, or, at least, the stamp that makes it
valuable and current. Some there are, I know, that take the matter
for the benefit, and tax the obligation by weight and measure. When
anything is given them, they presently cast it up; “What may such a
house be worth? such an office? such an estate?” as if that were the
benefit which is only the sign and mark of it: for the obligation
rests in the mind, not in the matter; and all those advantages which
we see, handle, or hold in actual possession by the courtesy of
another, are but several modes or ways of explaining and putting the
good-will in execution. There needs no great subtlety to prove, that
both benefits and injuries receive their value from the intention,
when even brutes themselves are able to decide this question. Tread
upon a dog by chance, or put him to pain upon the dressing of a wound;
the one he passes by as an accident; and the other, in his fashion, he
acknowledges as a kindness: but, offer to strike at him, though you
do him no hurt at all, he flies yet in the face of you, even for the
mischief that you barely meant him.
It is further to be observed, that all benefits are good; and (like the
distributions of Providence) made up of wisdom and bounty; whereas the
gift itself is neither good nor bad, but may indifferently be applied,
either to the one or to the other. The benefit is immortal, the gift
perishable: for the benefit itself continues when we have no longer
either the use or the matter of it. He that is dead was alive; he that
has lost his eyes, did see; and, whatsoever is done, cannot be rendered
undone. My friend (for instance) is taken by pirates; I redeem him; and
after that he falls into other pirates’ hands; his obligation to me is
the same still as if he had preserved his freedom. And so, if I save
a man from any misfortune, and he falls into another; if I give him a
sum of money, which is afterwards taken away by thieves; it comes to
the same case. Fortune may deprive us of the matter of a benefit, but
the benefit itself remains inviolable. If the benefit resided in the
matter, that which is good for one man would be so for another; whereas
many times the very same thing, given to several persons, work contrary
effects, even to the difference of life or death; and that which is one
body’s cure proves another body’s poison. Beside that, the timing of
it alters the value; and a crust of bread, upon a pinch, is a greater
present than an imperial crown. What is more familiar than in a battle
to shoot at an enemy and kill a friend? or, instead of a friend, to
save an enemy? But yet this disappointment, in the event, does not at
all operate upon the intention. What if a man cures me of a wen with
a stroke that was designed to cut off my head? or, with a malicious
blow upon my stomach, breaks an imposthume? or, what if he saves my
life with a draught that was prepared to poison me? The providence
of the issue does not at all discharge the obliquity of the intent.
And the same reason holds good even in religion itself. It is not the
incense, or the offering, that is acceptable to God, but the purity and
devotion of the worshipper: neither is the bare will, without action,
sufficient, that is, where we have the means of acting; for, in that
case, it signifies as little to _wish_ well, without _well-doing_, as
to _do_ good without _willing_ it. There must be effect as well as
intention, to make me owe a benefit; but, to will against it, does
wholly discharge it. In fine, the conscience alone is the judge, both
of benefits and injuries.
It does not follow now, because the benefit rests in the good-will,
that therefore the good-will should be always a benefit; for if it be
not accompanied with government and discretion, those offices, which we
call _benefits_, are but the works of passion, or of chance; and many
times, the greatest of all injuries. One man does me good by mistake;
another ignorantly; a third upon force: but none of these cases do I
take to be an obligation; for they were neither directed to me, nor
was there any kindness of intention; we do not thank the seas for the
advantages we receive by navigation; or the rivers with supplying us
with fish and flowing of our grounds; we do not thank the trees either
for their fruits or shades, or the winds for a fair gale; and what is
the difference betwixt a reasonable creature that does not know and
an inanimate that cannot? A good _horse_ saves one man’s life; a good
suit of _arms_ another’s; and a _man_, perhaps, that never intended it,
saves a third. Where is the difference now betwixt the obligation of
one and of the other? A man falls into a river, and the fright cures
him of the ague; we may call this a kind of lucky mischance, but not
a remedy. And so it is with the good we receive, either without, or
beside, or contrary to intention. It is the mind, and not the event,
that distinguishes a benefit from an injury.
CHAPTER V.
THERE MUST BE JUDGMENT IN A BENEFIT, AS WELL AS MATTER AND INTENTION;
AND ESPECIALLY IN THE CHOICE OF THE PERSON.
As it is the _will_ that designs the benefit, and the _matter_ that
conveys it, so it is the _judgment_ that perfects it; which depends
upon so many critical niceties, that the least error, either in the
person, the matter, the manner, the quality, the quantity, the time, or
the place, spoils all.
The consideration of the _person_ is a main point: for we are to give
by choice, and not by hazard. My inclination bids me oblige one man; I
am bound in duty and justice to serve another; here it is a charity,
there it is pity; and elsewhere, perhaps, encouragement. There are some
that want, to whom I would not give; because, if I did, they would want
still. To one man I would barely offer a benefit; but I would press it
upon another. To say the truth, we do not employ any more profit than
that which we bestow; and it is not to our friends, our acquaintances
or countrymen, nor to this or that condition of men, that we are to
restrain our bounties; but wheresoever there is a man, there is a place
and occasion for a benefit. We give to some that are good already; to
others, in hope to make them so: but we must do all with discretion;
for we are as well answerable for what we give as for what we receive;
nay, the misplacing of a benefit is worse than the not receiving of it;
for the one is another man’s fault; but the other is mine. The error
of the giver does oft-times excuse the ingratitude of the receiver:
for a favor ill-placed is rather a profusion than a benefit. It is the
most shameful of losses, an inconsiderate bounty. I will choose a man
of integrity, sincere, considerate, grateful, temperate, well-natured,
neither covetous nor sordid: and when I have obliged such a man, though
not worth a groat in the world, I have gained my end. If we give only
to receive, we lose the fairest objects of our charity: the absent,
the sick, the captive, and the needy. When we oblige those that can
never pay us again in kind, as a stranger upon his last farewell, or a
necessitous person upon his death-bed, we make Providence our debtor,
and rejoice in the conscience even of a fruitless benefit. So long as
we are affected with passions, and distracted with hopes and fears,
and (the most unmanly of vices) with our pleasures, we are incompetent
judges where to place our bounties: but when death presents itself,
and that we come to our last will and testament, we leave our fortunes
to the most worthy. He that gives nothing, but in hopes of receiving,
must die intestate. It is the honesty of another man’s mind that moves
the kindness of mine; and I would sooner oblige a grateful man than
an ungrateful: but this shall not hinder me from doing good also to a
person that is known to be ungrateful: only with this difference, that
I will serve the one in all extremities with my life and fortune, and
the other no farther than stands with my convenience. But what shall
I do, you will say, to know whether a man will be grateful or not? I
will follow probability, and hope the best. He that sows is not sure
to reap; nor the seaman to reach his port; nor the soldier to win
the field: he that weds is not sure his wife shall be honest, or his
children dutiful: but shall we therefore neither sow, sail, bear arms,
nor marry? Nay, if I knew a man to be incurably thankless, I would yet
be so kind as to put him in his way, or let him light a candle at mine,
or draw water at my well; which may stand him perhaps in great stead,
and yet not be reckoned as a benefit from me; for I do it carelessly,
and not for his sake, but my own; as an office of humanity, without any
choice or kindness.
CHAPTER VI.
THE MATTER OF OBLIGATIONS, WITH ITS CIRCUMSTANCES.
Next to the choice of the _person_ follows that of the _matter_;
wherein a regard must be had to time, place, proportion, quality;
and to the very nicks of opportunity and humor. One man values his
peace above his honor, another his honor above his safety; and not
a few there are that (provided they may save their bodies) never
care what becomes of their souls. So that good offices depend much
upon construction. Some take themselves to be obliged, when they are
not; others will not believe it, when they are; and some again take
obligations and injuries, the one for the other.
For our better direction, let it be noted, “That a benefit is a common
tie betwixt the giver and receiver, with respect to both:” wherefore
it must be accommodated to the rules of discretion; for all things
have their bounds and measures, and so must liberality among the rest;
that it be neither too much for the one nor too little for the other;
the excess being every jot as bad as the defect. Alexander bestowed a
city upon one of his favorites; who modestly excusing himself, “That
it was too much for him to receive.” “Well, but,” says Alexander, “it
is not too much for me to give.” A haughty certainly, and an imprudent
speech; for that which was not fit for the one to take could not be
fit for the other to give. It passes in the world for greatness of mind